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The rules of POLITICAL CORRECTNESS when it comes to the Israeli-Arab conflict:

Rule # 1: In the Middle East, it is always the Arabs that attack
first, and it’s always Israel who defends itself. This is called “Retaliation”.

Rule # 2: The Arabs, whether Palestinians or Lebanese, are not allowed
to kill Israelis. This is called “Terrorism”

Rule # 3: Israel has the right to kill Arab civilians; this is called
“Self-Defense”, or these days “Collateral Damage”.

Rule # 4: When Israel kills too many civilians. The Western world
calls for restraint. This is called the “Reaction of the International
Community”.

Rule # 5: Palestinians and Lebanese do not have the right to capture
Israeli military, not even a limited number, not even 1 or 2. This is
called “Kidnapping”.

Rule # 6: Israel has the right to capture as many Palestinians as they
want (Palestinians: around 10000 to date, 300 of which are children,
Lebanese: 1000s to date, being held without trial). There is no limit;
there is no need for proof of guilt or trial.
This is called “War on Terrorism”.

Rule # 7: When you say “Hezbollah”, always be sure to add “supported
by Syria and Iran”. this is called: “Axis of Evil”

Rule # 8: When you say “Israel”, never say “supported by the USA, the
UK and other European countries”, for people (God forbid) might
believe this is not an equal conflict. This is called “Helping our Friends”.

Rule # 9: When it comes to Israel, don’t mention the words “occupied
territories”, “UN resolutions”,”Geneva conventions”. This could
distress the audience and is called “Anti-Semitism”.

Rule # 10: Israelis speak better English than Arabs. This is why we
let them speak out as much as possible, so that they can explain rules
1 through 9. This is called “Neutral Journalism”.

Rule # 11: If you don’t agree with these rules or if you favor the
Arab side over the Israeli side, you must be a very dangerous
anti-Semite. You may even have to make a public apology if you express
your honest opinion like Mel Gibson. This is called “Democracy”.

Sources:
Left Turn Issue #18
Title: “Cementing Israeli Apartheid: The Role of World Bank”
Author: Jamal Juma’
Al-Jazeerah, March 9, 2005
Title: “US Free Trade Agreements Split Arab Opinion”
Author: Linda Heard
Community Evaluator: April Hurley, MD
Student Researchers: Bailey Malone and Lisa Dobias



Despite the 2004 International Court of Justice (ICJ) decision that called for tearing down the Wall and compensating affected communities, construction of the Wall has accelerated. The route of the barrier runs deep into Palestinian territory, aiding the annexation of Israeli settlements and the breaking of Palestinian territorial continuity. The World Bank’s vision of “economic development,” however, evades any discussion of the Wall’s illegality.
The World Bank has meanwhile outlined the framework for a Palestinian Middle East Free Trade Area (MEFTA) policy in their most recent report on Palestine published in December of 2004, “Stagnation or Revival: Israeli Disengagement and Palestinian Economic Prospects.”
Central to World Bank proposals are the construction of massive industrial zones to be financed by the World Bank and other donors and controlled by the Israeli Occupation. Built on Palestinian land around the Wall, these industrial zones are envisaged as forming the basis of export-orientated economic development. Palestinians imprisoned by the Wall and dispossessed of land can be put to work for low wages.
The post-Wall MEFTA vision includes complete control over Palestinian movement. The report proposes high-tech military gates and checkpoints along the Wall, through which Palestinians and exports can be conveniently transported and controlled. A supplemental “transfer system” of walled roads and tunnels will allow Palestinian workers to be funneled to their jobs, while being simultaneously denied access to their land. Sweatshops will be one of very few possibilities of earning a living for Palestinians confined to disparate ghettos throughout the West Bank. The World Bank states:
“In an improved operating environment, Palestinian entrepreneurs and foreign investors will look for well-serviced industrial land and supporting infrastructure. They will also seek a regulatory regime with a minimum of ‘red tape’ and with clear procedures for conducting business. Industrial Estates (IEs), particularly those on the border between Palestinian and Israeli territory, can fulfill this need and thereby play an important role in supporting export based growth.”
Jamal Juma’ notes that the “red tape” which the World Bank refers to can be presumed to mean trade unions, a minimum wage, good working conditions, environmental protection, and other workers’ rights that will be more flexible than the ones in the “developed” world. The World Bank explicitly states that current wages of Palestinians are too high for the region and “compromise the international competitiveness” even though wages are only a quarter of the average in Israel. Juma’ warns that on top of a military occupation and forced expulsion, Palestinians are to be subjects of an economic colonialism.
These industrial zones will clearly benefit Israel abroad where goods “Made in Palestine” have more favorable trade conditions in international markets. IPS reporter Emad Mekay, in February 2005, revealed the World Bank’s plan to partially fund Palestinian MEFTA infrastructure with loans to Palestine. Israel is not eligible for World Bank lending because of its high per capita income, but Palestine is. Mekay quotes Terry Walz of the Washington-based Council for the National Interest, a group that monitors U.S. and international policy towards Israel and the Palestinians: “I must admit that making the Palestinians pay for the modernization of these checkpoints is an embarrassment, since they had nothing to do with the erection of the separation wall to begin with and in fact have protested